William Natras is a freelance journalist and commentator based in Prague and covering Central Europe.
In its long-running rules-of-law dispute with Budapest, Brussels may just have stumbled upon a strategy that is closer to the bone than anything Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban has tried so far : Targeting the influence of the ruling Fidesz party on higher education .
when it emerged last month that the European Commission would block grant With 21 universities being managed by public trusts linked to Fidesz for the Erasmus+ student exchange and Horizon Europe research schemes, the nervousness of Hungarian ministers was palpable. The move was described as “unacceptable and intolerable” and the government’s two ministers dealing with the law dispute quickly flew to Brussels for talks on the issue. One of these ministers, Tibor Navrčić, suggested that a quick reform would be forthcoming, but EU officials have doubt itAnd a Hungarian government spokesman warned that legal steps would be taken if the situation was not resolved swiftly.
This response, as well as the resulting coverage in both Hungary’s government-allied and opposition media, suggests that there is much more to it than just withheld money. After all, €40 million in Erasmus funding is an insignificant amount compared to the billions of euros in Cohesion Funds currently being withheld from Hungary.
Many of Orban’s detractors dismiss Fidesz as a corrupt apparatus, but the truth is that the party has deep cultural and intellectual roots that it is eager to nurture. Control over the dissemination of knowledge and ideas, and the creation of cultural debates are essential pillars of Orban’s political ecosystem. Theirs is a project that has long-term power goals – and that is why the attack on Fidesz’s influence on higher education is so important.
Orban has been completely open about the link between knowledge and power. And his government influences the information that citizens receive daily through the media, while also shaping a broader conservative intellectual environment through education.
Speaking at a meeting of the American Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) in Budapest last year, Orban called conservatives “we should have our own media“To showcase the crazy ideas of the progressive left.” In an ideal world, he said, politics and the press would be kept independent of each other, but as leftist forces have already broken this covenant, it is only fair for conservatives to follow suit.
Similar motives lie behind his intervention in academia, an area often seen by conservatives as institutionally biased towards progressive and leftist ideas. Fidesz has actively promoted a conservative intellectual culture, celebrating thinkers such as English philosopher Roger Scruton – a favorite of Margaret Thatcher – attracting like-minded academics from around the world.
However, following a wave of university privatizations in recent years, the role of politicians in maintaining this academic climate has become increasingly apparent. Fidesz cabinet ministers, past and present, now head the “public trusts” that control some of Hungary’s leading higher education establishments – and it is this apparent political oversight that has led the EU to block the funds.
Obviously, students of the affected universities are angry.
Orbán portrays the EU as a funding block”RevengeOn Hungarian youth, “Brussels has a vision of the future that is the opposite of what the Hungarian people think.” And to achieve this, EU politicians in Budapest “want a change of government”, he says.
cabinet minister Gergeli Gulyas threatened that the government would consider Taking the matter to the Court of Justice of the European UnionClaiming Violation of the Commission’s Decision Article 13 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Unionwhich holds that “art and scientific research shall be free from obstruction. Academic freedom shall be respected.”
The legal basis of the funding block in the EU’s rule-of-law conditional mechanism is also in question, with some arguing that preventing Hungarian students from participating in Erasmus+ would make any difference in protecting the EU’s financial interests. does not apply, even if those students go to universities. under the influence of Fides. Hungarian opposition politician has also expressed concern that the commission’s move would harm the students rather than the Orbán regime.
However, the Hungarian government’s response suggests otherwise. And if Brussels sticks to its word, the targeting of Hungarian academics could really deal a blow to Orban’s conservative project.
Of course, it would be wrong to suggest that universities under the Hungarian Public Trust engage in any sort of pro-Fidesz ideological hegemony. Yet, nevertheless, they play a key role in curtailing the knowledge environment, helping to maintain the party’s grip on power.
Fidesz’s emphasis on having “its own” media and educational institutions serves as a safeguard against the takeover of so-called left-wing institutions in other Western countries. As “O’Sullivan’s First Law“Is it,” all organizations that are not truly right-wing will eventually become left-wing.
In this context, conservative intellectualism is seen by Orban as something that – like traditional Christian notions of family and gender – is of fundamental importance and needs to be protected from progressives.
This attitude provides a unique take on another well-known aphorism, that “politics is downstream from culture,” as a rich conservative intellectual culture is an important part of the knowledge ecosystem that facilitates Fidesz’s rule.
Arguably, it is this relationship between the state and academia – and between politicians and intellectuals – that really sets Orban apart from other “populist” leaders in Europe. Orban is not a political chameleon, and Fidesz’s particular power stems from the fact that its governing style has a strong intellectual underpinning. As such, cuts to Hungarian academia’s international funding may hit Fidesz much harder than many realise.