Democracy in Myanmar sidelined by military in new era as Suu Kyi

BANGKOK: Myanmar’s eminent democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi has been effectively exiled from electoral politics by country’s generals as she sentenced her to prison. But that doesn’t mean the Southeast Asian nation is back to square one in its stop-start efforts to move towards democracy.
In fact, a younger generation that had come of age as the military had begun to loosen its grip on politics and the economy and tasted some freedom, is well positioned to carry on the struggle.
A de facto coup on 1 February pushed Suu Kyi’s elected government out of power, leaving the country in turmoil. But erasing the gains of a decade of opening up has proved even more difficult.
People took to the streets almost immediately and sporadic protests have continued since then. As a military crackdown on the demonstrations became increasingly violent, the demonstrators began to arm themselves.
Within days, a mix of old and new defenders, including elected MPs who had been barred from taking their seats by takeover, announced a shadow administration that declared itself to be the country’s only legitimate government. It was very consciously assembled to be a diverse group, unusual in socially conservative Myanmar, including representatives of ethnic minorities and an openly gay member.
Suu Kyi, who was arrested in the takeover, has been at the forefront of the opposition – and has garnered significant support among the general public.
While no foreign government has recognized the so-called national unity government, US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan virtually met with two of its representatives. And it has completed a stalemate of sorts at the United Nations, which delayed action by Myanmar’s military government on a request for its representative to take its seat. The present representative of the country has declared his allegiance to the unity government.
Priscilla Clapp, who served as the US head of mission in Myanmar since 1999, said, “The coups and subsequent ones are not so much the end of the democratization process in Myanmar, as they are proof that democratization has indeed captured the younger generation.” have done it.” 2002. “Indeed, the coup could ultimately prove to be a dramatic end for the older generation of leadership in Myanmar.”
The pro-democracy movement now faces the challenges of continuing to oppose military rule, maintaining international pressure to restore an elected, civilian government, and consolidating support from ethnic groups that have long fought the central government.
Suu Kyi, whose pro-democracy efforts earned her the Nobel Peace Prize, and her allies have been instrumental in the past, even as generals sidelined or imprisoned them. On Monday, the 76-year-old was convicted of abetting and violating coronavirus restrictions and sentenced to four years in prison, although this was reduced to two almost immediately. She faces other charges that could see her imprisoned for life.
But the younger generation may be in a better position to handle it either way.
Unlike their elders, young people in Myanmar, especially those living in cities, have spent most of their lives without worrying about going to jail for speaking their mind. They have access to mobile phones and Facebook and have grown up believing that the country is moving towards a larger democracy, not less democracy.
They are also more inclined to reach out to Myanmar’s ethnic minorities. Not only did the unity government include ethnic minority officials in its cabinet, but it sought an alliance with powerful ethnic militias, fighting for autonomy and rights on their resource-rich lands.
“Even though they are fighting against military takeover, they are arguing among themselves to determine the framework for a new form of more democratic and ethnically diverse political order,” Clapp said. and the Asia Society. “This did not happen with earlier rebellions against military rule, before people had experience with democratic institutions that gave a voice to the people.”
Suu Kyi’s reputation abroad was severely hit by military abuses, or sometimes even defending, against the Muslim Rohingya minority while her government was in power. She opposes allegations that soldiers killed Rohingya civilians, set houses on fire and raped women.
The Ekta government has also been criticized for neglecting the long-persecuted Rohingyas, and it remains to be seen how its uneasy alliance with the ethnic groups will pan out.
But Suu Kyi’s handling of the Rohingya is just one element that complicates her legacy.
A symbol of resistance during her 15 years under house arrest, Suu Kyi agreed to work with the generals after being freed. It was a gamble that left Myanmar’s budding democracy in limbo, with the military controlling key ministries and securing a vast majority of seats in parliament.
Australian National University lecturer Jane Ferguson said some foreign fans were disappointed that Suu Kyi’s government, while in power, had used British colonial-era security laws to prosecute dissidents and critical journalists. ,
In seizing power, the military claimed the 2020 election was largely fraudulent, with Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy winning a landslide victory. It said it justified the takeover under a constitution that allows it to seize power in an emergency – although independent election observers did not detect any major irregularities. Critics also claim that the takeover bypassed the legal process to declare the kind of emergency that allows the military to step in.
According to a tally compiled by the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, security forces have since quelled non-violent nationwide protests with deadly force, which have killed nearly 1,300 civilians.
Despite the risks, the verdict against Suu Kyi, who remains popular, provoked more enthusiastic protests. In the city of Mandalay on Monday, protesters raised slogans and sang popular songs during pro-democracy protests in 1988.
“In Yangon, we are seeing local residents banging pots and pans in protest late into the night,” said Jason Tower, Myanmar country director of the US Institute of Peace. “These kinds of moves by the junta are also a major driver and motivation for local people to join the people’s defense forces.”
Those forces, which began as a way to protect neighborhoods and villages from looting by government troops, are also being supported by the opposition Unity government, which hopes to one day turn them into federal forces.
Meanwhile, Christina Fink, professor of international affairs at George Washington University, said the military will continue to try to “terrorize the public in obedience.” “They have done so successfully in the past, but this time the opposition is more widespread and takes many different forms, so it has become very difficult for the regime to achieve its goal.”