opinion | Another chance for Libya in democracy

Libyans raise placards and national flags during a demonstration against the House of Representatives in Tripoli, Libya, on February 11.


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–/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images

Libya was established as a democracy. It is not too late to become a democracy again.

Eleven years ago, the Libyan people tried to reclaim their independence from an autocratic regime and gain the security of a democratic government. But since then, all attempts to give the Libyan people the freedom they want have failed. At best, they were extravagant; At least, they have ended in terror and war. On 22 June, the road map of the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum—the United Nations’ latest effort to build Libyan democracy—comes to an end. Libyans are now holding their breath as to what the next failure will bring.

All attempts to establish a legitimate government have failed because all attempts have neglected Libya’s distinctive history. That must change, and Libya’s recent history is a good start.

Every country has a national identity, which develops its institutions. While the world’s great democracies share similar values, they express those values ​​differently. The US Bill of Rights will not work in France; The powerful French presidency will not work in the US, yet both institutions are democratic and legitimate because they share a shared history. History is the basis of national identity, which compels not only the common people but also the politicians to think and care about the future of the country.

Like any other country, Libya needs a link to the past. they have. Libyans are not building a country from scratch, but picking up on where they left off more than 50 years ago.

Libya came into the world as a democracy. After decades of colonialism and war, the newly established United Nations set Libya on the road to independence in 1947. Like now then, Libya was beset by geographical and tribal divisions. To find a solution, the UN’s chief negotiator, Adrienne Pelt, engaged with hundreds of Libyans, both weak and powerful. Pelt and his colleagues concluded that a constitutional monarchy would be the most effective way to unite the three regions and more than 100 tribes. The Senusi family, which led Libya’s resistance against colonialism and lacked a tribal affiliation, offered a solid foundation for national identity. With the support of the Libyan people, the United Kingdom of Libya was established in 1951.

For 18 years, Libya was a developed parliamentary democracy. It had universal suffrage, an independent judiciary, regular elections, freedom of religion and freedom of the press. Women in Switzerland or Portugal could vote before voting in Libya. But in 1969 — two days before my father, Crown Prince Hassan, became king — Libya’s budding democracy, ruled by a constitutional monarch, was overthrown in a coup that swept the tide of pan-Arabism and the Cold War. There was a dictatorship in Libya for 42 years.

In recent months, Libyans have spoken—extremely rallies In over a dozen cities, and on new social media pages Restoring the pre-1969 constitution is the only viable way to restore the unity of our country, the legitimacy of its institutions and the spirit of national identity.

Since 2011, the world has not considered this option. We have instead seen initiatives based on guesswork and wishful thinking. The result has been a stalemate that has enriched and enabled domestic and foreign actors to be indifferent to the suffering of ordinary Libyans.

Although it may sound depressing, there is a chance to restart Libya’s democratic journey. The pre-1969 constitution and precedent of history have paved this path in the past as well. And if the Libyans decide again that they want a constitutional monarchy, it will be my sacred duty to serve them to my ancestors, my family and my nation. I ask on behalf of all Libyans that we be finally allowed to decide for ourselves.

Seventy years ago, the United Nations helped the Libyan people build their democracy, taking into account the Libyan culture, society and the need for a unified identity. It can do this again by listening to ordinary Libyans instead of a small and corrupt elite. The choice to restore Libya’s independence constitution – the product of UN mediation – must be placed on the table where it belongs. This is a historic occasion and should not be wasted.

Mr. Al-Senusi is the Crown Prince of Libya.

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