Prime Minister Narendra Modi was asked about BJP National Executive in Hyderabad last weekend Reach out to the “Deprived and Depressed Classes” In communities other than Hindus, that was seen as a message for the party to focus on groups such as the Pasmanda Muslims in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar.
This direction comes after the BJP’s victories in the Lok Sabha bypolls in Azamgarh and Rampur, where Muslims form a significant part of the electorate. The party is believed to have garnered some Pasmanda votes in the 2022 assembly elections, and Pasmanda leader Danish Azad Ansari was later inducted into the second Yogi Adityanath government.
Who are the Pasmanda Muslims?
A Persian word, ‘pasmanda’ means ‘left behind’, and is used to describe the depressed classes among Muslims, while underlining their intentional or conscious exclusion. Pasmanda has become an umbrella identity used by backward, Dalit and tribal Muslims to push back against caste-based discrimination within the community.
The term ‘Pasmanda Muslim’ was first used by Ali Anwar Ansari in 1998, when he founded Pasmanda Muslim Mahaj, said Khalid Anees Ansari, associate professor of sociology at Azim Premji University’s School of Arts and Sciences.
Ali Anwar Ansari, former Rajya Sabha MP and national president and founder of All India Pasmanda Muslim Mahaz, said: “The Pasmandas include Dalits so far, but not all Pasmandas are Dalits. Constitutionally speaking, we are all in the same category – OBC. But going forward we want Dalit Muslims to be recognized separately.
Are Muslims divided on the basis of caste?
Muslim society in India comprises a number of status groups or fraternities that are broadly divided into three categories: Ashraf (‘noble’ elite or ‘honourable’), Ajlaf (backward Muslims), and Arzal (Dalit Muslims).
There are Ashraf Muslims in India who either claim to have a foreign ancestry – descendants of Muslims from Arabia, Persia, Turkey, Afghanistan (Syeds, Sheikhs, Mughals and Pathans) – or who are upper caste converts from Hinduism (Rajputs). , Gaur, Tyagi Muslim others).
The Ajlafs are middle-caste converts who were in ritually “clean” occupations, while the Arzals—who were first recorded in the 1901 census—are the lowest such as Halalkhor, Hellas, Lalbegi or Bhangi (scavengers),” belong to the “untouchable” castes. Dhobi (laundry), nais or barber (hairdresser), chix (butcher), and fakir (beggar).
Momin or Julaha (weaver), Darzi or Idris (tailor), Rein or Kunjara (vegetable seller) fall in the Ajalf bracket.
While Islam does not mandate the creation of such groups, these caste categories are a living reality for Muslims across the country.
“Three groups can be seen among Muslims: (1) Ashraf, without any social disabilities; (2) Hindu OBC equivalent, Ajlaf, and (3) Hindu SC equivalent, Arzal. Those who are referred to as Muslim OBCs combine (2) (Ajlaf) and (3) (Arzal),” said the Rajinder Sachar Committee, established in 2005 to study the social, economic and educational status of Indian Muslims. was constituted for the purpose, said in its report.
However, the Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950 restricted Scheduled Caste status to Hindus, keeping Dalits of other religions out of its purview. The order was later amended (in 1956 and 1990) to include Sikhs and Buddhists.
The implementation of the Mandal Commission report brought non-Ashrafs – Ajlafs and Arzals – into the OBC category.
The National Commission for Religious and Linguistic Minorities, known as the Justice Ranganath Misra Commission, submitted its report in May 2007, acknowledging that the caste system affected all religious communities in India, including Muslims.
What is the demographic distribution of Pasmanda Muslims?
In the absence of a caste census, a clear estimate of the current number and demographic distribution of Pasmanda Muslims is not available. The Sachar Committee in its report put the number of OBC and SC/ST Muslims at 40% (All India 2004-05).
Pasmanda activists and scholars do not agree with this figure. People fighting for the rights of Pasmanda say that they make up 80-85% of the total Muslim population in India. This roughly corresponds to the 1871 census which stated that only 19% of Muslims in India were upper caste, while 81% were made up of lower castes.
“Even the ideologues of Ashfaq and Pasmanda agree on a proportional distribution of upper castes and lower caste Muslims despite their sharp differences. An 80/20 ratio is an accepted estimate. But there was a lot of exodus of the Muslim elite during Partition, so those numbers may be 85/15 now,” said Prof Anis Ansari.
Ali Anwar Ansari also said that the 80/20 ratio is a ballpark estimate that is largely agreed upon within the community. On their demographic distribution, he said: “They are present in all the states. They may exist under different names, but where there are Muslims, there are Pasmandas.
What do Pasmanda Muslims want?
Pasmanda Muslims say that despite their overwhelming numbers within the community, they are under-represented in jobs, legislatures and government-run minority institutions, as well as community-run Muslim organizations.
The Pasmanda vs Ashraf split stems from a sense of deliberate neglect among the ruling elite’s focus on “Muslimism”. Pasmanda also opposes the demand for religion-based reservation for the entire Muslim population, arguing that it ignores unequal access to state resources within the community.
The major demands of Pasmanda included caste census, reorganization of existing reservation categories, and state support for artisans, craftsmen and agricultural laborers, who are among the poorest groups of the community.
In a resolution passed by several Pasmanda organizations for the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, it was demanded that Dalit Muslims be included in the SC list and the OBC quota be redesignated to make it an extremely backward caste (EBC) category . The most backward Muslims as well as Hindu EBCs should be included at the central and state level.
As an example, the Pasmandas follow the Bihar model, where a separate MBC category was created in the OBC list and the most backward Muslim castes – 27 according to the Sachar Committee – were placed in that category.
“We want a nationwide caste census. Bihar MBC model should be implemented across the country. Also, Dalit Muslims should be taken to SC category but after increasing the quota limit, so that they do not create any kind of conflict with Hindu Dalits.
Ali Anwar said, “Haryana, Delhi, MP, Rajasthan and UP – these five states have Meo Muslims who should be included in the ST category.”
Pasmanda leaders say that they will also be given a shield against religious targeting under the Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, including Dalit Muslims in the SC/ST category.
In all their demands, the Pasmanda narrative focuses on caste and socio-economic backwardness rather than religious identity.
What is the history of Pasmanda Movement?
While the movement to ensure social justice for the Pasmandas, and the repeated use of the term, gained momentum in the post-Mandal era, its most famous flag bearers in the period before independence were Abdul Qayyum Ansari and Maulana Ali Hussain Asim Bihari, Both of whom belonged to the Julaha (weaver) community.
Both these leaders opposed the communal politics being promoted by the Muslim League at that time and challenged the claim of the League to represent all Muslims.
Ali Anwar Ansari said, “These leaders were the pillars of the movement. His other contemporaries who fought similar battles were Maulana Atiqur Rahman Arvi (of the Mansoori community) and Mian Abdul Malik Tanapuri (of the Rayan community).”
Professor Anis Ansari said, “The leaders of the first wave of the Pasmanda movement were leading the anti-colonial, anti-Ashraf and anti-Mullim League fights.”
About when the movement actually started, Prof. Anis Ansari said: “India has a history of caste unions in communities … Among the Pasmanda Muslims, such caste unions began to emerge from 1910 onwards. Weavers ( There were caste groups of weavers), butchers (Quraishis), cotton carders (Mansooris), safis, rayins etc. These were reformist in nature but also acted as pressure groups led by the upward moving lower caste communities.. These organizations appeared with new types of demands from within the Muslim community.”
In the 1980s, the All India Muslim OBC Organization of Maharashtra (AIMOBCO) began to lead the fight for the rights of the Pasmandas, and went on to garner the unwavering support of the Bollywood actor. Dilip KumarA Pathan.
The 1990s saw the rise of two organizations: the All India Backward Muslim Morcha (AIBMM) founded by Dr. Aijaz Ali and the Pasmanda Muslim Mahaj, founded by Ali Anwar. This marked the stage of bringing smaller caste-based organizations into close ranks among Muslims. Many other organizations started working for the upliftment of Pasmanda Muslims in the states.
“Ali Anwar’s book ‘Masawat Ki Jung’ (Fight for Equality, published in 2000) was a phenomenon in itself. It expanded the scope of the movement beyond reservation by focusing on culture, social reform and the need to forge a new identity Played an important role in doing this,” said Prof Anees Ansari.
Why is BJP reaching out to Pasmanda Muslims?
The attempt to woo Pasmanda comes as the party prepares to face the crucial 2024 general elections.
“The BJP is trying to expand its voter base as UP and Bihar are crucial to the party’s 2024 fate. However, the party has been actively working with the Pasmanda Muslims since 2014. This was the first time the word Pasmanda Muslim was explicitly mentioned by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during BJP’s 2017 Odisha National Executive. During the Hyderabad Conclave, he referred to it both on the day and in the context of UP and Bihar at large,” said Prof Anees Ansari.
On what’s different this time, he said: “This time it’s beyond the urgency of the political or the election, and there’s a big cultural shift. Now the Sangh, instead of engaging the Muslims through the Ashraf elite, is connecting with the marginalized sections of the Muslim society.
The RSS-affiliated Muslim Rashtriya Manch (MRM) says that the Pasmanda Muslims are progressing in a “natural” way within the BJP and its allies.
Girish said, “We want Muslim women and Pasmandas to understand their rights, increase their strength to solve the problems of themselves and the country. Whether this decision to focus on the welfare of Pasmandas will benefit BJP or not, But the country will definitely benefit.” Juyal, national convener of MRM said.
“It works for the BJP, and it works for middle-class political workers… There are political workers in all communities. And these workers are interested in their political ambition, and whatever party is in a position to fulfill it, they will go there irrespective of their ideological beliefs,” said Prof Anis Ansari.
Ali Anwar Ansari said, “Pasmanda has been against communalism, but if Modi ji wants to help them, the government should seriously look into their demands.”